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As far as pornography goes, the 1978 porn film Debbie Does Dallas provides mild titillation compared with hardcore freebies available online. The porn “sector” is worth around ?1bn, and 50 per cent of adults watch porn with their partners. But why splash out on a top-shelf magazine when the nipple count in Nuts is more than enough to send most pulses racing? Rampant Rabbit vibrators are no longer in the bottom drawer, but a badge of belonging to the Noughties “we-can-do-it-too” womanhood. Meanwhile, women’s magazines are happy to discuss whether readers prefer “pencils or mushrooms” on their front covers. Billboards showing David Beckham wearing spray-on Armani underwear stop traffic, while S&M-themed Agent Provocateur advertisements are a staple of the glossier publications.
Every sexual aid, every accoutrement, every raunchy negligee and multicoloured condom, has been freed from its restrictive hothouse and allowed to blossom in the open air. Sex is now on every high street, not just in the seedier areas of town. Have we reached sexual enlightenment? Categorically not. Deviant behaviour is as rampant as ever, and prostitution itself remains, in effect, illegal. But demand is on the up, out of control even. Do the people paying for it think that because we can talk about it pre-watershed, the moral arguments surrounding it have dissolved?
Battle is joined by the usual protagonists: the authorities, and the sex workers. Both say their priority is the safety of women (and men and children, but it is mostly women). In this current instance, the onus is on women trafficked into the UK and forced to have sex with men against their will. The prostitutes, led by the English Collective of Prostitutes, see the move as a further attack on their pretty thin rights. The new legislation will criminalise the people they work with – their partners, landlords and anyone else who gains from the money they earn as prostitutes, they say. More to the point, they argue, trafficked women are not prostitutes: they are slaves. Prostitutes make a choice to earn their living by selling their bodies, however fiercely people on the outside, including me, question what sort of choice this represents. And they profit from it, but also wish to enjoy the same safe working environments that other working people have. The new legislation seeks to drive it underground and pretend that a society without prostitution is a possibility, say the ECP.
The people who pay for sex are, unsurprisingly, loath to admit to doing so. Everyone seems to know someone else who has visited a prostitute, but no one is quite sure who, or where, or why, or how much they paid, and they certainly can’t go and ask them about it.
One person who is honest about his use of prostitutes is writer and artist Sebastian Horsley. He has worked as an escort and run a brothel, andtalks candidly about his love of and appetite for prostitutes, estimating he has paid for sex with more than 1,000 women at a cost of more than ?100,000. Horsley also admits he is chasing the libertine lifestyles of the artists he grew up in thrall to – Edvard Munch, Van Gogh and Gauguin, Oscar Wilde. His romanticising of the practice is wildly indulgent and no doubt has little relevance for most prostitutes. He has said he is against legalisation as that would remove the excitement of the forbidden fruit element, but is no longer sure about this: if it improved safety, he says, it would be a good thing. One thing he is certain about rings true with the opinion of every prostitute I have spoken to: they are not victims.
“Contrary to what those foul feminists will tell you, the prostitute is not a victim,” he says. “If you talk to them, and I’ve met thousands, they don’t often find themselves victimised and exploited, but the middle-class intellectuals who formulate their opinions for them tell them that they are. There’s a whole rescue operation going on at the moment made up of social workers, community leaders and politicians, and it’s in their interests to find suffering. There is exploitation, but there is exploitation in all industries.”
Horsley is the product of a privileged and eccentric background, and he makes a living out of his outrageous behaviour and utterings. His attempt to recreate the depraved Parisian existence of his absinthe-fuelled artistic heroes makes him an easy target for derision, and, in fact, anger: only a poor little rich boy could play at being a prostitute and a heroin addict, and base a life philosophy on it. But he is up-front about his behaviour, unlike the rest of those one in 10 men who must feel there is something wrong with using a prostitute, or they wouldn’t be so keen to hide it. “Who are we to tell someone what parts they can and cannot sell of themselves?,” he asks. Prostitutes are not stupid, but they have different skills. You don’t get prostitutes telling the politicians how they should be earning a living, do you?”
Jacqui Smith believes demand dictates supply, an argument with a clear logic, and if there weren’t so many men like Horsley willing to pay for sex, women would not face the choice of entering an industry in which exploitation is rife. The oft-cited example is Sweden, where the buying of sex was criminalised almost a decade ago. In Lithuania and Finland it is already illegal to pay for sex with someone acting under coercion, as will happen here under the new legislation, and Norway is set to follow Sweden’s lead. But Sweden is the example cited by those who support the Smith reforms. When the law was passed there were around 2,500 sex workers; now there are just 500, and Sweden is the least popular human trafficking destination in Europe.

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