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There was someone’s cock buried in his ass, rocking into him with shallow thrusts. Their hands were gentle on his hips, canting his ass up so they could fuck into him at the perfect angle, stroking over his prostate with every thrust. Jongin gasped at every stroke, desperate to rub himself against the bed but he wasn’t the one setting the pace and those hands kept him just at that angle where his cock were inches away from a flat surface, unable to get any stimulation. The cock inside in his ass were in and out, plundering him in a relaxed but relentless rhythm, never faltering, never pausing, just like a fucking machine. Jongin moaned into his pillow, delirious from being used like a fucktoy.
He bit down on his lips, feeling his heartbeat speed up. They weren’t supposed to call him Jongin on a job.
He let out a strangled gasp as a heavy body slammed on top of him, knocking him out of breath as his face smashed to the pillow.
“Yah, Jongin, wake up you ass!” The heavy lump on him shouted into his ears, and Jongin’s eyes flew open. His roommate was the worst. The worst .
“Ugh Kyungsoo. What the fuck are you doing on my bed, get your fat ass off me.” He groaned into the pillow, desperate to burrow himself back under his blanket and continue the very good dream he had been having. Fortunately, the heavy lump finally decided to move. Except Kyungsoo just decided to shift onto a sitting position and slapped his ass through the blanket.
“Hey, don’t be jealous my ass is better than yours! You were making weird noises in your sleep, I was getting annoyed so I decided you gotta wake up. What the hell were you- Oh.”
His blasted roommate did not just rip the blanket off him. Jongin wanted to scream.
“Go away ,” Jongin whined, not caring how frustrated he sounded. Where the hell did his roommate leave all his masturbation etiquettes? Kyungsoo was fun at times, but most of the time he was just an amazingly obtuse pain in the ass. Jongin grabbed his blanket back, throwing it over his head, but not before Kyungsoo managed to throw himself under it at the same time.
“What the fuck, what are you doing, get off my bed. ” Jongin struggled, jabbing his elbows and kicking back at Kyungsoo as the other boy latched onto him from behind under the blanket, but his movements were sluggish and tired. He was still half-asleep, he just wanted to go back to his nice dream, what was wrong with Kyungsoo anyway?
Jongin’s hips jerked up as fingers that were not his cupped over his erection, his mouth unintentionally letting out a small desperate whimper. He was really, really hard apparently.
“I could help?” He could feel Kyungsoo’s grin on his shoulders. Jongin groaned in annoyance, but he was already fucking into that hand, taking advantage of the much needed friction.
“You know what would help? Your getting down there and sucking me off with those lips, because there are better things for your mouth to be doing.” If he sounded more than a little bitchy, it was because he was still sleeping, really. Kyungsoo hummed as if he was actually considering the option.
“I don’t know. maybe not.” Kyungsoo rolled his hips up, and Jongin could feel the other boy’s growing hardness nudging between his buttocks. Jongin rolled his eyes, but still rocked back against him, their bodies spooning together, his back pressed against Kyungsoo’s chest, soaking in the sleepy warmth of another body in his bed. He felt warm and hazy, just writhing back against Kyungsoo, the other boy’s lips nibbling and kissing down his throat. He just wanted to get off, and Kyungsoo’s hand just felt amazing on his erection as it slipped inside his soft sweatpants and curled around him.
Kyungsoo’s fingers slowly trailed down his cock, past his balls to his opening. Jongin let out a breathy sigh as the tip of a finger dipped inside, pressing in teasingly.
“You’re still so stretched and slick from last night, Jongin. ” Kyungsoo breathed into his hear, hot and shivery. “How many cocks fucked you last night, hm? I bet I could just. slide in right now. ”
Hands quickly pulled his pants off his legs, and Jongin stretched out, pushing his ass up, offering it to Kyungsoo’s fondling hands. They held his asscheeks open for a few seconds, and Jongin breathed into his pillow.
Kyungsoo fucked into him in one smooth thrust, his cock thankfully coated with more lube. Jongin just laid there, basking in the warmth and fullness of being fucked, his mind half-asleep still. It wasn’t quite the gentle hands he had envisioned in his dreams, but this was good enough.
“You’re so easy, Jongin. always so ready for a good fuck. the others can’t stop talking about it. ” Kyungsoo kept murmuring into his ear dirty nothings. Jongin chuckled low in his throat.
“Yeah? Do you all compare and contrast your notes or something?”
“Mhmm, and then we rate you on a scale of ten,” Kyungsoo laughed as his hips snapped forward, making a wet slapping sound. His hand came up to brush against Jongin’s nipples, and he jerked in Kyungsoo’s arms. He dropped his forehead against the mattress and closed his eyes, letting Kyungsoo fuck him into compliance.

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In Korea, there are over 200,000 runaways from home every year. They are amongst the most vulnerable. Of the 200,000 runaways every year, the Seoul Metropolitan Government estimates that over 50% are taken in and become involved in the sex trade. Once they are taken in, they are given some money to “help” them get on their feet, and before these women know it, they become prostitutes. As Wol-Goo Kang , the Director of the Women’s Human Rights Commission of Korea, puts it: “Once they’re out [of their homes], they are surrounded by people waiting to prey on them.”
This wouldn’t be a problem if they did so willingly, and were able to leave easily. However, once they begin, they are again given money for their use. This piles up until they are in debt, and are unable to leave. The average debt that prostitutes usually have is anywhere from $21,000 to $32,000.
In the documentary, this is told by the experts while cutting to interviews with the victims. It, again, grounds these lofty facts and figures with very human stories. Once they are pushed into sexual service, sometimes unwillingly, it is difficult to get out. Even when they run away, and run far, far, far away, they are somehow followed and physically dragged back.
Going in, one of the questions I had was wondering if the documentary would address the differences between prostitution and sex trafficking — and it does, in a way. But it seems like the documentary instead focuses on the instance wherein voluntary prostitution, a form where the person can willingly leave sexual services, crosses with forced sexual labor, where the voluntary crosses the lines and becomes sex trafficking.
This brings us to the second portion of the statement to describe the documentary: the government condones the practice and turns a blind eye. The way in which the documentary illustrates this is through the experience of the brothers going to the police station to ask about prostitution; is it illegal and is it okay? The first station they go to avoids answering, telling them to go to the capital office for the Women and Adolescents Department. Upon arriving at this office, they are then told that the people of the department are unavailable as they are at an event. From there, they are pointed to another police station that also have a department. There, they are told to go to the Ministry of Gender Equality and Family, emphasizing that the police are only there to crack down — but only if there are victims.
To this police person, he says he doesn’t see them as victims, even though the laws proclaim the prostitutes as such. This reflects the overall view of men interviewed — prostitutes are seducers, they deserve what sexual abuse they receive, and that they are worthless due to being “used.” Going to a prostitute is seen as being a rite of passage — a man becoming an adult — and as part of the “hosting culture” of the Koreans.
After being told that they have to go to the Ministry of Gender Equality and Family, the brothers switch their tactic. Instead, they go to a police station just a short distance from the “588” red light district. There, they ask if it’s okay to go to a brothel. They are told “we don’t really go out of our way to regulate anymore,” adding that they only go in when there is a report. The visit is ended by the policeman telling the Lee brothers that prostitution is illegal and to “go have a good experience.” This illustrates that the police look the other way. The prostitutes interviewed also echo this sentiment, saying that the pimps and the police have a very close relationship.
If there is one criticism that I have, it is only several people were asked, which is not an indicator that the government actively turns a blind eye. There would need to be more visits done, in various districts, to indicate that there is even a trend of the police turning a blind eye. That being said, it is a starting point, and one that can be followed up upon for a bigger analysis.
Moreover, going to the red light district for sexual services is seen as part of company life; and it is estimated that Korean firms’ usage of the corporate credit card for sexual services amounted to $1 billion in 2013. As Dr. Na-young Lee puts it: “For the sake of the nation’s economic growth and safety, the government systematically exploited woman’s body.” This stems all the way back to the post-Japanese occupation, where the government set up “special districts” for the use of American troops. These “special districts” were composed of dance halls and brothels, and kept the then destitute Korean economy afloat, making up of at least 25% of the GNP.
The final portion of the documentary has the Lee brothers go to Miari armed with a pen camera. They visit at least 15 brothels. In a brief montage of these brothels, a common image was that upon entering and being presented the girls, they were, at least 80% of the time, sitting on the floor in a room that was lit low with a purple lighting, wearing white shirts or bride gown-like dresses. It was a short montage, but it is one that is memorable.

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We are also concerned about the recommendation to loosen the brothel keeping legislation to allow independent women to work together in the same premises. While women’s safety and well-being is our primary concern, we are concerned that pimps, traffickers and other commercial interests will seek to exploit any such change in the law and this will lead to more women being pimped, trafficked, and exploited. We are therefore alarmed that the committee has recommended this legislative change without a rigorous plan to ensure that it cannot be exploited by pimps, traffickers and procurers.
In addition we have similar concerns to those set out above on the decriminalisation of soliciting – that without accompanying sex buyer legislation and a tightening of the pimping regulations, it would normalise prostitution and lead to an increase in all aspects of the sex trade, including the number of women and children being drawn into it.
The section of the report on the Sex Buyer Law is perhaps the most disappointing of all. The section starts by saying that a “large proportion of the evidence we received was from individuals and organisations arguing in favour of the introduction of a Sex Buyer Law in England and Wales.” The report then goes on to largely ignore that evidence and to extensively quote and refer to those who are clearly opposed to this approach.
For example, this section of the report quotes or refers to 17 people or organisations who are clearly ideologically opposed to the Nordic Model, three who support it and three who appear to be neutral, as shown in the following table.
Nordic Model Information Network APPG on Prostitution and the Global Sex Trade Mika Malmo.
Swedish Government Norwegian Ministry of Justice ACC Nikki Holland.
Amnesty International Northern Ireland Justice Minister, David Ford Professor Peter Shirlow of the University of Liverpool Support and Advice for Escorts (SAAFE) The Sussex Centre for Gender Studies Laura Lee Professor Philp Hubbard of the University of Kent The Sex Work Research Hub The New Zealand Prostitutes Collective Dr Jay Levy International Union of Sex Workers Action for Trans Health Bridie Sweetman Feminists for Solidarity Sweden The Sussex Centre for Gender Studies Miss E, a sex worker Sex Worker Open University.
Moreover much of the “evidence” in this section from those who are opposed to the Nordic Model is biased, not strictly relevant, or is conjecture and argument.
For example, under the subheading, “Health,” the Sex Work Research Hub is quoted as stating that “data from multiple countries linked criminalisation of sex work with up to a five-fold increase in risk of HIV infection or other sexually transmitted infections.” However, the research referenced does not appear to have been conducted in a country that has implemented the Nordic Model approach. We therefore question the relevance of including this quotation here.
Another example is the report saying that Bridie Sweetman “argued that the Swedish model limited the ability of sex workers and their clients to access preventive health measures and health checks; was associated with a drop in willingness to carry and use condoms; and workers were more likely to engage in unprotected sex out of desperation for work and the inability to report a client for insisting on unprotected sex.”
However, her written evidence on these points is mostly pure conjecture, such as that a client would have to admit to committing a crime in order to seek a sexual health check-up and that a “sex worker” would be “further stigmatised and degraded if they seek assistance from sexual health providers.” Similarly she says: “There is also a drop in willingness to carry and use condoms for two reasons: condoms are often used as evidence of transactional sex.” However, this is backed up by a reference to page 88 of a World Health Organisation publication from 2013, Implementing Comprehensive HIV/STI Programmes with Sex Workers which does not mention the Nordic Model.
Arguments for and against the Nordic Model.
The bias of the committee is further revealed in the way the arguments for and against the Nordic Model were presented.
The arguments for were put under the heading “Potential benefits of a Sex Buyer Law” and amounted to two brief paragraphs; whereas the arguments against it were put under the heading “Arguments against a Sex Buyer Law” with two entire pages separated under a number of subheadings, containing many quotations, most from those who are ideologically opposed to the Nordic Model or have vested interests in the sex trade.
For example, page 26 quotes the International Union of Sex Workers (IUSW). In an interview with Julie Bindel and Cath Elliott, Douglas Fox, one of the leading figures in the IUSW, admitted that it is an activist and lobbying group rather than a trade union and that it includes pimps, who are redefined as managers and “sex workers”.
Another example is self-described “sex worker”, Laura Lee, who was quoted several times in the report, including in this section on page 25. She uses advertisements on social media both to accrue business and for political campaigning. She has raised funds for a legal battle against the Sex Buyer Law in Northern Ireland directly from men who pay for sex regularly. Thus there is a potential conflict of interest, as her public position and expressed views must take into account the wishes of those who fund her campaigning work.

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Internet access Edit.
Internet cafes offer Internet access on public terminals at an hourly rate usually from TT$1 to TT$10.
Dialup access is available from TSTT[23] and other independent ISP’s. There are monthly plans and pay as you go access. Pay as you go service is available through the 619-EASY service for TT$0.75 per minute. Roaming with foreign ISP accounts is available through an agreement between TSTT and IPASS, inc.
Broadband internet options in Trinidad are available. Two major companies that provide these services are TSTT(blink)and FLOW (Columbus Communications.)
Wi-Fi access is available in a some places such as Piarco airport (hit or miss), Movie Towne and select hotels and restaurants. It is free of charge right now but this is subject to change. EVDO and EDGE broadband access are also available, but may require contracts and a service commitment. Some hotels and guest houses provide free high speed internet. Always inquire if you don’t see it listed on their web site, as it may have been added recently. Flow offers wifi hotspots which are freely accessible to the public. TSTT offers bzone free to their broadband subscribers only.
There are other options including fixed wireless, DSL, cable modem (only in a few areas) and satellite but these are generally not available to tourists for a short term stay.
A somewhat outdated but still useful discussion of Trinidad and Tobago internet access options is available at the TTCS website.[24]
Postal facilities Edit.
The postal service is run by the Trinidad and Tobago Postal Corporation, TTPost[25]. Postal rates are available on the TTPost website. Post offices are located close to the center of town in many places with red drop-off boxes in some places. Thanks to restructuring of the postal service, TTPost has become comparable to the postal service in many developed countries and is generally reliable especially if you use service that comes with tracking. Additionally, other services such as bill payment (not UWI office) and the purchase of inter island ferry tickets are available from TTPost.
Be advised that ham radio tourism and DXpeditions are very risky in Trinidad and Tobago, mostly because of the difficulty in importing equipment. Please see the note about importing equipment below.
The internationally allocated ITU prefixes in Trinidad and Tobago are 9Y and 9Z.
In order to operate an Amateur Radio Station in Trinidad and Tobago, one needs a license. If one’s country of citizenship is a signatory to the IARP agreement and one holds a license equivalent to US General class (Novice and US Technician licenses are excluded) in that country, one can simply operate with 9y4/home callsign. For example, if your home callsign is W1ZZZ, you operate using 9Y4/W1ZZZ.
Otherwise one will need to apply for a license at TATT. The following are needed:
Photo ID and photocopy (passport) Original and copy of certificate(s) showing a pass in an amateur radio exam, in English or accompanied by an English translation. Original and copy of your home amateur radio license, in English, or accompanied by an English translation. Form L-2 from TATT website, filled out and photocopied TT$20 application fee and TT$100 license fee.
Appear in person at the TATT office at 76 Boundary Road, San Juan, Trinidad to apply. Processing time varies. If you want to have the license arranged in advance, it is better to contact the Trinidad and Tobago Amateur Radio Society TTARS[26] and they can assist you. Foreigners will be granted 9Y4/homecall for the duration of their stay.
It is at the discretion of the Technical officer issuing your license, but generally a license equivalent to US General class and above (or its equivalent) gets full privileges including HF. Technician gets privileges above 30MHz only. In some cases they may deny Novice or Technician class amateurs altogether.
Importing equipment Edit.
Importing equipment can be painless and easy or it can be a long, drawn out bureaucratic process. The difficulty of importing ham radio equipment has caused many tourists to simply forget about doing any ham radio activities in Trinidad and Tobago. It is best to operate at a local’s station if you can.
You will need to have the equipment type approved by TATT. There is a form on their website. Call them in advance. One should also get a receipt showing the value of one’s equipment.
When you go through customs and they search your bags, the customs officer will ask about the ham radio equipment if they see it. You should tell them what it is and show them your license. They will tell you that you need to pay a bond equal to the value of the equipment and you will retrieve it before you leave. Otherwise they wil probably seize your equipment and there is no guarantee that you’ll get it back. Sometimes you’ll just get lucky and they’ll tell you to walk through. Sometimes they’ll let you go with it but charge 20% customs duty. Officially the law says that ham radio equipment is duty free for nationals. It’s a gamble. It is best to not have your radio in the original boxes as this will more likely encourage customs officers to charge you a bond or duty.

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"We recognise that legislation is critically important at this point because without proper legislation, which is really one of the handicaps in the social areas, we could not possibly move forward in terms of consequences for human traffickers," said the party’s deputy leader, Dr Sharon Gopaul McNicol , a clinical psychologist. She told a news conference that most of the human trafficking "takes place in small boats where people are drugged and shipped off to other countries, primarily those countries that people don’t speak English so there is little chance of the victims being able to get away without much difficulty."
Freedom House Country Report – Political Rights : 2 Civil Liberties : 2 Status : Free.
[accessed 28 June 2012]
Human trafficking in Trinidad: Children being sold for over 200,000.
Port Of Spain, 21 December 2008.
[accessed 1 January 2011]
The Guardian newspaper of Trinidad published a disturbing report in which it alleges that human traffickers are on the prowl, looking to lure children and women to sell them for big money. The report states that “children, because they live longer, are sold for over $200,000. Adults can fetch as much as $100,000. They are mostly used as sex slaves and sometimes for slave labour. “Sometimes, they are used to make pay-offs in the drug trade — a well placed source informed the Sunday Guardian.” The report stated that men owing drug lords are being lured into capturing humans, who will be sold for payment of their debts. A source, pleading for anonymity for fear of his life, said victims were drugged almost immediately after capture and their cellphones switched off.
A Sunday Guardian investigation revealed that the lucrative human trafficking ring is operating in the Cascade/St Ann’s area, between Sangre Grande and Tunapuna, Diego Martin and in South. Women have mysteriously disappeared from the Cascade area without a trace during the past year and “several straying young boys have vanished from the streets of San Fernando “.
The Department of Labor’s 2006 Findings on the Worst Forms of Child Labor [PDF]
U.S. Dept of Labor Bureau of International Labor Affairs, 2007.
[accessed 1 January 2011]
INCIDENCE AND NATURE OF CHILD LABOR – Children in Trinidad and Tobago are reported to work in agriculture, scavenging, loading and stocking goods, gardening, car repair, car washing, construction , fishing, and begging. Children also work as handymen, shop assistants, cosmetologist assistants, domestic servants, and street vendors. These activities are usually reported as being part of family business. Children are also reported to be victims of commercial sexual exploitation.
CURRENT GOVERNMENT POLICIES AND PROGRAMS TO ELIMINATE THE WORST FORMS OF CHILD LABOR – In August 2006, the Ministry of Social Development published the Revised National Plan of Action for Children, which includes specific goals for combating commercial sexual exploitation of children and exploitive child labor. The National Steering Committee for the Prevention and Elimination of Child Labor, with the advice and support of the ILO, is participating in a project to withdraw and rehabilitate child laborers at two landfill sites in Trinidad and Tobago .
Human Rights Reports » 2008 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices.
U.S. Dept of State Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, February 25, 2009.
[accessed 1 January 2011]
TRAFFICKING IN PERSONS – The law does not specifically prohibit trafficking in persons, but perpetrators could be prosecuted under several related laws. Although media reports asserted that trafficking in persons was a growing problem, law enforcement officials stated that they had no reports of trafficking of nationals to, from, through , or within the country. They acknowledged occasional irregular migration by foreign women, often for purposes of prostitution, who were deported when discovered.
SECTION 6 WORKER RIGHTS – [c] Although the law does not specifically prohibit forced or compulsory labor, including by children, there were no reports that such practices occurred.
All material used herein reproduced under the fair use exception of 17 USC § 107 for noncommercial, nonprofit, and educational use. PLEASE RESPECT COPYRIGHTS OF COMPONENT ARTICLES.
Why Amsterdam’s Prostitution Laws are Still Failing to Protect or Empower Women.
“Pas Encore Mon Histoire” by Vincent Olinet from France is pictured in the Red Light District as part of the Amsterdam Light Festival in Amsterdam December 6, 2013 Reuters.
Amsterdam may be heralded as a hub for liberalism and social progression following its legalisation of prostitution in 1988 and consumption of marijuana.
However, after a significant number of brothels have been closed due to suspected criminal activity in the best known Red Light district of De Wallen in Amsterdam, alongside the nature of displaying women in windows like pieces of meat, it shows that the system has not worked.
The Normalisation of Exploitation.
I went to Amsterdam for the first time recently, at the ripe old age of 23.
I did all the things they tell you in the guidebooks – marvelled at the paintings in the Van Gogh Museum, climbed every leg-breaking step in Anne Frank’s House, had coffee without milk at least three times a day, and ate my weight in Gouda cheese.

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Today, Polly is finally finishing her PhD and working for a friend‘s travel company. She hasn’t escorted for four years, and has written a book about her experiences – Cured Meat: Memoirs of a Psychiatric Runaway. “The book isn’t just about my sex work,” she explains. “It looks at my mental health issues, my anorexia and my drug addiction in depth too. My friends just kept saying ‘You’ve been in a mental hospital, used heroin, worked as an escort. I really think you should do a book about your life!’ So I did.”
What drives a prostitute.
In a survey of prostitution, the majority of prostitutes say their own sexuality, sexual curiosity and money are the main reasons they chose their line of work.
Half of the prostitutes in a new survey say they became prostitutes because of sexual curiosity, and 68 percent consider their line of work as part of their sexuality.
“While there’s no doubt that money is the primary reason for the women becoming prostitutes, it is very surprising that sexual motivation ranks so highly,” says Jens Kofod, who holds a PhD in anthropology and is a researcher at SFI – The Danish National Centre for Social Research.
He was responsible for the survey and the subsequent report, ‘Prostitution in Denmark’, which also reveals that Denmark has fewer prostitutes than expected and that most street prostitutes are foreigners.
Women became prostitutes for many different reasons, but they often feel stigmatised by society as needing help to stop their work (fewer than half of the prostitutes have considered stopping), instead of society respecting their choice of work.
Child abuse is often regarded as a reason for prostitution by the media, politicians and general public, who feel the prostitutes need help to stop their work.
But the survey produced no clear conclusion on this – some prostitutes were abused as children, others were not.
Four groups of prostitutes.
The SFI researchers calculate that there are a little over 3,200 prostitutes in Denmark, which is fewer than expected, for example because some prostitutes work at several clinics.
The researchers divide the prostitutes into four groups:
• Female escort prostitutes (about 900)
• Male escort prostitutes (no figure)
• Female clinic prostitutes (about 1,600)
• Street prostitutes (less than 600 foreigners, few Danes)
A majority of female escort and female clinic prostitutes gave sexual curiosity as a reason for entering prostitution; many had great interest in sex before becoming prostitutes.
Almost half of the female escorts and just over a sixth of the clinic prostitutes started their work because they saw an opportunity to make money through sex.
Street prostitutes, however, draw another picture: they are not in the business for the sex but to deal with problems such as drug abuse.
The report is based on interviews with former and active prostitutes and with experts from the authorities and NGOs associated with the sex environment.
Despite the sexual drive, the main reason for prostitution in all groups is money.
“Money is cited by 85% of the prostitutes,” says Kofod. “Some have to pay for housing, food and day care for their children, others must pay for their drug abuse, while others want an extra week’s holiday abroad.”
A typical story, according to the researcher, is that a man divorces a woman and takes all the money, and the woman then sees prostitution as the only way to earn a living.
A more nuanced picture.
“Our study shows that prostitution is a much more nuanced picture than we have previously believed,” he says.
“Firstly, we have halved the estimated number of prostitutes in Denmark. Secondly, the public debate about prostitution as poor wretches or happy hookers is distorted – most prostitutes are somewhere between these two extremes.
“The prostitutes have widely differing lifestyles and reasons for their work,” says the researcher.
The 13-Year-Old Prostitute.
Working Girl or Sex Slave?
By Jessica Lustig Published Oct 24, 2007 ShareThis.
T he low-slung black car rolled to a stop on Rockaway Boulevard. Another car was already parked there, waiting in the dark. Behind the tinted windows of the first car, Lucilia, a beautiful half–Puerto Rican, half-Dominican girl from Flatbush with long dark hair, pale skin, and wide eyes, sat with the other girls and listened carefully to her instructions. “All you got to do is go up to the car in front of us,” said Romeo, the young black man with heavy-lidded eyes at the wheel. “You charge him whatever you want to charge him, you ask if he’s police or a pimp. He’s gonna give you money, and then you’re gonna just do whatever he wants you to do real quick. It’s just a one-minute thing.” He sent her out.
She went up to the other car. The man inside drove her to one of the big parking lots nearby, close to the Belt Parkway. He paid her $500, had sex with her, and then dropped her off. “Where the money?” Romeo asked her when she climbed back inside his car. “Let me count it.” Lucilia took the cash out of her pocket and watched him flip through the bills. “Can I have my money back?” she asked. “You not getting your money back!” he said. “You making this money for me to take care of you.” And then he explained what he called “the Game,” how he would love her and be her “daddy,” how he would take care of her and buy her whatever she wanted, as long as she brought him money. “Let me tell you,” he said. “I’m a pimp, and you’re a ho.” “What do you mean I’m a ho?” she asked. She knew the word only as an insult, as in, you’re nasty. “No,” he said. “You’re a moneymaking ho.” “Is that good?” she asked. “Yeah,” he told her. “That’s good.” She was 13 years old.

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Certainly, the Clubes de Alterne are full of immigrants, mostly from Romania and Central and South America. Barely 2% of the prostitutes in Spain are Spanish and, of those, hardly any work in the clubs. In the tight communities of Spanish villages and towns this would be tantamount to social suicide – notwithstanding the widespread use and acceptance of the Clubs de Alterne by Spanish men.
Membership of ANELA, a self-policing organisation, is the just about the closest that brothels in Spain get to being regulated in Spain. As a condition of membership, a club must be a properly registered business, such as a hotel or bar licensed for renting rooms. It must also expressly undertake not to allow anyone on the premises under eighteen, any usage of drugs or involuntary prostitution. Furthermore, the club must agree to co-operate fully with the police, whilst ensuring monthly medical checks-up for the women.
The El Cisne club, just south of Valencia city, is a demonstration of the potential benefits of legalisation and regulation. This middle ranking ‘club’ is actually a hotel in which the women live, paying 50 euros a day for full board. A softly-spoken professional hotelier runs the ‘club’, which has a full-time chef, a restaurant, swimming pool, salon and internet area for the women. Only slightly more garish than a UK travel lodge, El Cisne is immaculately clean, tidy and un-intimidating, with a recognisable hotel foyer and several rooms for ‘short term’ rental – each of which has a shower and WC and an emergency button.
Of course, El Cisne has a surreal feel about it as, during the long working hours (5pm to 4am), it has fifty semi-naked women roaming through the large bar area to the rooms above, the internet area or their own salon. There is also a bizarrely competitive atmosphere, as the women desperately try to gain the attention of any men entering the bar, at which time they are free to negotiate any deal they wish. Whatever they earn (normally 60 Euros for half an hour in one of the guest rooms) is a matter for them and of no financial interest to the club.
Left alone to speak to a number of the women, a crude straw poll indicated that the women at El Cisne were there voluntarily, all were immigrants and all had come knowing what they would be doing. Hating the nature of the work, the women saw it as their only way to make any money, having come from desperate poverty in their own countries. They said that their clientele came from all walks of life with three out of ten men treating them gently, whilst nine out of ten men spent no more than half an hour with them. They felt safe at El Cisne and, despite the obviously distasteful nature of the work, were clearly much better off than prostituting themselves elsewhere – let alone on the unprotected horrors of a public street governed by oppressive pimps.
Clearly, brothels in Spain such as El Cisne provide a benchmark delivery system for both a consenting male and female that is practically acceptable. However, the excoriating sadness of prostitution is inescapable. In 2003 Medicos de Mundo published a report in which they stated that: ‘prostitution was the modern slavery of the 21 st century’ and that ‘most women and children abandon prostitution ill, traumatised and poorer than when they started’.
Whilst the Medicos de Mundo report undoubtedly has the sting of absolute truth, it is hard to see how prostitution can be eradicated until the pitiless trauma and impossible conundrum of world poverty is adequately tackled. It is no co-incidence that the overwhelming majority of prostitutes are from countries ravaged by war or dire economic plight. Therefore any ‘consent’ to becoming a prostitute is normally driven by desperation and then, all too often, sustained for too long when an anaesthetising drug habit takes hold.
In Spain, it looks as though the profusion of Clubes de Alterne is here to stay. As Vicente B, a Valencian businessman says: ‘the Clubes de Alterne are a part of Spanish culture. They have always existed in one form or another. It is just that over the past ten years they have become more obvious and much more sophisticated, with some clubs delivering a luxury service in truly opulent surroundings’. Certainly, it is difficult to envisage persuading Spanish men not to use Clubes de Alterne – and if this desire exists and is universally accepted, then there will always be a demand for it, in one form or another.
However, it is hard not to come to the conclusion that Spain has missed an opportunity to courageously legalise and tightly regulate prostitution. Clearly, not doing so only acts to keep prostitution underground and pushes it further into the hands of organised crime, thus continuing to make it unsafe and dangerous for all parties. And it is hard to imagine more vulnerable people than young women working in an appallingly distressing business, often far from home and any possible help. More prosaically, of course, the government is condoning an enormous cash industry that is impossible to tax as, by definition, the earnings are not properly legal.

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