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Of the many books on prostitution I read back then, most dismissed the possibility that women who sell sex can be rational, ordinary, pragmatic and autonomous. The excuses followed a pattern: The women didn’t understand what they were doing because they were uneducated. They suffered from false consciousness, the failure to recognize their own oppression. They were addicted to drugs that fogged their brains. They had been seduced by pimps. They were manipulated by families. They were psychologically damaged, so their judgements were faulty. If they were migrants they belonged to unenlightened cultures that gave them no choices. They were coerced and/or forced by bad people to travel, so they weren’t real migrants, and their experiences didn’t count. Because they were brainwashed by their exploiters, nothing they said could be relied on. This series of disqualifications led to large lacunae in social-scientific literature and mainstream media, showing the power of a stigma that has its very own name — whore stigma. Given these women’s spoiled identities, others feel called to speak for them.
Rescue Industry, Legal Regimes and Stigma.
The person in a helping profession or campaign is said to embody the good in humanity — benevolence, compassion, selflessness. But helpers assume positive identities far removed from those spoiled by stigma, and benefits accrue to them: prestige and influence for all and employment and security for many. Many believe that helpers always know how to help, even when they have no personal experience of the culture or political economy they intervene in. What I noted was how, despite the large number of people dedicated to saving prostitutes, the situation for women who sell sex never improves. The Construction of Benevolent Identities by Helping Women Who Sell Sex was the key that unlocked my understanding of the Rescue Industry.
Abolitionists talk continuously about prostitution as violence against women, set up projects to rescue sex workers and ignore the dysfunctionality of much that is conceived as “rehabilitation.” Contemporary abolitionism focuses largely on the rescue of women said to be victims of trafficking, targeting the mobile and migrant women I mentioned earlier, who are now completely disappeared in a narrative of female victimhood. Although much of this goes on under a feminist banner, colonialist maternalism describes it better.
In classic abolitionism, whore stigma is considered a consequence of patriarchy, a system in which men subjugate women and divide them into the good, who are marriageable, and the bad, who are promiscuous or sell sex. If prostitution were abolished, whore stigma would disappear, it is claimed. But contemporary movements against slut-shaming, victim-blaming and rape culture clearly show how whore stigma is applied to women who do not sell sex at all, so the claim is feeble. Instead, abolitionism’s aversion to prostitution probably strengthens the stigma, despite the prostitute’s demotion to the status of victim rather than the transgressor she once was.
Under prohibitionism, those involved in commercial sex are criminalized, which directly reproduces stigma. In this regime, the woman who sells sex is a deliberate outlaw, which oddly at least grants her some agency.
For advocates of the decriminalization of all commercial-sex activities, the disappearance of whore stigma would occur through recognizing and normalizing the selling of sex as labor. We don’t yet know how long it may take for stigma to die out in places where some forms of sex work are decriminalized and regulated: New Zealand, Australia, Germany, Holland. Given the stigma’s potency in all cultures one would expect it to diminish unevenly and slowly but steadily, as happened and continues to happen with the stigma of homosexuality around the world.
Prostitution Law and National Moralities.
I explained my skepticism about prostitution law at length in an academic article, Sex and the Limits of Enlightenment: The Irrationality of Legal Regimes to Control Prostitution. All prostitution laws are conceived as methods to control women who, before ideas of victimhood took hold, were understood to be powerful, dangerous figures associated with rebellion, revolt, carnival, the world upside down, spiritual power and calculated wrongdoing. Conversations about prostitution law, no matter where they take place, argue about how to manage the women: Is it better to permit them to work out of doors or limit them to closed spaces? How many lap-dancing venues should get licenses and where should they be located? In brothels, how often should women be examined for sexually transmitted infections? The rhetoric of helping and saving that surrounds laws accedes with state efforts to control and punish; the first stop for women picked up in raids on brothels or rescues of trafficking victims is a police station. Prostitution law generalizes from worst-case scenarios, which leads directly to police abuse against the majority of cases, which are not so dire.
In theory, under prohibitionism prostitutes are arrested, fined, jailed. Under abolitionism, which permits the selling of sex, a farrago of laws, by-laws and regulations give police a myriad of pretexts for harrying sex workers. Regulationism, which wants to assuage social conflict by legalizing some sex-work forms, constructs non-regulated forms as illegal (and rarely grants labor rights to workers). But eccentricities abound everywhere, making a mockery of these theoretical laws. Even Japan’s wide-open, permissive sex industry prohibits “prostitution” defined as coital sex. And in recent years a hybrid law has arisen that makes paying for sex illegal while selling is permitted. Yes, it’s illogical. But the contradiction is not pointless; it is there because the goal of the law is to make prostitution disappear by debilitating the market through absurd ignorance of how sex businesses work.

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Suarez didn’t ask Huntington what he did for a living. She had no idea that the handsome American was a law-enforcement agent, much less that he was in Cartagena to protect President Obama.
Some agents pride themselves on keeping a low profile on the road and won’t say they work for the Secret Service, even if they let on that they’re in law enforcement. But others in Cartagena that night reportedly bragged that they worked for Obama. Huntington had played the Secret Service card on previous trips as a way to attract women. Agents say that when they roll into town on a presidential visit, it’s obvious to women in bars and clubs that the big guys from out of town are there on official business. “Rock stars without guitars,” some have called themselves.
Huntington and his friends were partying like rock stars, pounding drinks, dancing, buying bottles of vodka “like they were buying water,” Suarez would later recall. One agent jumped on top of a bar.
Huntington was a world away from Severna Park, Maryland, where he lived with his wife of almost 20 years, who homeschooled their two teenage sons and ran a neighborhood Bible-study group. The Huntingtons owned a modest house with two white rocking chairs on the front porch and an American flag flying above the front door. They attended Granite Baptist Church in Glen Burnie. Arthur had graduated from Roberts Wesleyan College, a Christian school in Rochester, New York, where he studied criminal justice. Before joining the Secret Service, he was an airport security guard and then a cop in St. Petersburg, Florida.
At Tu Candela, about ten other Secret Service agents joined Huntington, including Joe Bongino, who was also married. Huntington and Bongino worked together on the agency’s Counter Assault Team. These are marksmen whose job is to stop any attack on the President when he’s in public. Agents say that the bonds among CAT members are extraordinarily tight, even within the famously fraternal Secret Service.
As Huntington flirted with Suarez, Bongino took an eye to her friend. Eventually, they paired off and headed back to the Hotel Caribe, a couple of miles away.
It’s not clear whether Huntington realized Suarez was an escort. Those who know him say he’s not the kind of guy who needs to pay for sex—he’s hot and he knows it. But on their way back to the hotel, Suarez claims, she stopped to buy condoms and told Huntington that if they were going to spend the night together, he’d have to give her “a gift” afterward. She says that when she named her price—$800—Huntington didn’t flinch. They continued on to the hotel.
Huntington had previously had affairs with at least three women he’d met while traveling with the President, according to accounts the women gave to newspaper reporters.
One woman, Kelly Scruggs, told the British tabloid the Daily Mail that she’d met Huntington in the spring of 2007, when he was out with friends at the Wild West bar in Waco, Texas, while working on George W. Bush’s security detail during a trip to the President’s Crawford ranch. Huntington was out partying with fellow Secret Service agents, she said. His group joined hers, and after drinking late into the night, everyone crashed at the home of one of the women.
Huntington and Scruggs didn’t sleep together that night, she said, but about a month later, while she was sitting at a bar, Huntington came up behind her and covered her eyes. “Guess who,” he said. Scruggs remembered not seeing a wedding ring on his left hand.
The couple saw each other for a year, usually shacking up in a hotel. Scruggs, who was 29 when she met Huntington, said that he told her he was divorced and that he confided his marital troubles in long heart-to-hearts. He talked about his children. He told Scruggs he loved her. He bought her a watch for Christmas and met her mother. “He is the most charming person you’ll ever meet,” Scruggs told a reporter.
But after the 2008 elections, Huntington was spending less time in Texas. His relationship with Scruggs faded, leaving her wounded and confused. Huntington, meanwhile, had already moved on. According to news reports, he’d also had an affair with another woman he’d met in the same Waco bar while in Texas for Jenna Bush’s wedding in May 2008. Maybe it’s because Holly Snow was closer to Huntington’s age—she’s 41—that she didn’t believe him when he claimed to be separated from his wife. Huntington confessed he was still married.
“He was lonely,” Snow told the New York Daily News. “He is the type of person that needs attention. That’s his personality.”
Three years later, during a trip with President Obama to Dublin, Huntington began another affair, with a 41-year-old Canadian woman he’d met in an Irish pub, according to an account she gave to the Daily News.
The woman, who asked to remain anonymous, was immediately drawn to the agent. “He’s stunning,” she said. “He’s a gorgeous guy. There were a whole group of them, not just him. He was the only one that stood out.”

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